This dissertation aims to clarify the concept of love (ci’ai, 慈愛) in Laozi’s Daodejing (Classic of the Way and Virtue). The term ‘love’ (ci, 慈), particularly as it appears in Chapter 67, has been subject to a wide range of interpretations and commentaries. Nevertheless, its meaning remains highly contested and ambiguous, with no single, widely accepted interpretation. In order to fully grasp the precise meaning of love in Laozi’s text, it is essential to understand the holistic structure of Dao and the human being within Laozi’s philosophy.

To this end, the dissertation first explores various conceptions of love in pre-Qin China. Whether in Confucianism, Mohism, or Daoism, despite differences in core doctrines and values, these traditions converge on a broad definition of love: the intention (heart/mind) to promote the well-being of others (the object of love).

The study then turns to a careful analysis of the overall structure of Laozi’s philosophy, focusing on the respective workings of Dao and the human. For Laozi, Dao is devoid of heart and mind; its operation is characterized by natural, non-artificial action (wuwei, 無爲). In contrast, humans are endowed with heart and act through mind: they acquire knowledge, develop desires based on that knowledge, and act in accordance with those desires. If their knowledge is artificial, their desires and actions become artificial as well; if their knowledge is natural and sufficient, so too are their desires and actions.

Within Laozi’s thought, the practitioners of love (ci’ai) are the sages. Sages are so named because they possess and embody ci’ai, the first of Laozi’s Three Treasures (三寶). They look to the non-artificial operation of Dao and recognize it as the ultimate form of love—the most fundamental way to enable human flourishing. Yet, as human beings, sages cannot help but act from their own heart-mind. Thus, they strive to be without knowledge, without desire, and ultimately without heart-mind, in order to act through non-action. The love of sages, grounded in this effort to transcend artificial heart-mind, may be termed ‘heartless love’ (無心之愛). This form of love underlies their leadership and is expressed through their practice of non-action.

Dao, being without heart-mind, is inherently non-benevolent. Sages, while possessing heart-mind, seek to empty themselves of artificial benevolence, thereby attaining non-benevolence. Dao interacts with all things impartially, without attachment; sages, emulating Dao, likewise strive to engage with all things without partiality. Heaven and earth regard all beings as straw dogs (芻狗), and sages similarly view people as straw dogs. Nevertheless, their actions, aligned with Dao, ultimately foster the natural well-being of all.

In conclusion, sages are able to practice non-action because they endeavor to be without heart-mind. Laozi’s notion of ‘heartless love’ offers a compelling framework for understanding how sages, as human beings, can follow the impartial, dispassionate, and non-benevolent workings of Dao.

In contemporary Korean society, the term ‘Confucian’ is often used to refer to negative and hierarchical human relationships. In the field of education as well, when the teacher-student relationship is described as ‘still Confucian,’ it frequently points to an authoritarian and hierarchical structure. However, this perception is a distorted interpretation of the original values of Confucianism, and in fact, teacher-student relationships in the Confucian tradition were not hierarchical. Therefore, using the term ‘Confucian’ in this way is not justified. Looking at the original Confucian teacher-student relationship as revealed in the Analects, it is clear that Confucius valued mutual respect and deep understanding of each student over unilateral authority in his relationships with disciples. Confucius identified the strengths and weaknesses of his students to provide tailored advice, and he fostered a close atmosphere by incorporating humor and jokes. While students respected their teacher, the teacher also acknowledged the excellence of his students and willingly accepted their differing opinions. The leading Joseon Confucian scholars, Toegye Yi Hwang and Seongho Yi Ik, also demonstrated educational philosophies similar to Confucius. Toegye emphasized self-directed learning and close reading, providing education suited to each student’s level. He was affectionate yet strict, and gladly accepted logical counterarguments from his students. Likewise, Seongho warned against closed-mindedness and valued open dialogue with his students. He criticized exam-oriented education, stressed self-attainment, and, like Confucius and Toegye, welcomed students’ differing opinions. Both scholars practiced mutual respect and horizontal communication rather than asserting authority in their relationships with students. Thus, the original Confucian teacher- student relationship was not authoritarian; its core lay in mutual respect, understanding, individualized guidance, and free exchange of ideas. If, in contemporary Korean society, ‘Confucian’ is taken to mean a strictly hierarchical order, this stems from a misunderstanding far removed from its original meaning. If we recover the true spirit of the Confucian teacher-student relationship, an educational culture could be established in which students can freely express their opinions to teachers, and teachers accept them with an open mind-a horizontal and humane culture. By reexamining tradition, we can hope for a healthy ‘Confucian teacher-student relationship’ centered on mutual respect and communication, rather than one-sided obedience. 

Co-authored with So-Yi Chung

종교연구. 84(2). (2024. 10.): 37-67.

This article examines Yulgok Yi Yi's theory of li and gi, in particular his ‘mysterious unity of li and gi (理氣之妙).’ The use of the ‘mysterious unity’ of li and gi is itself highly controversial. Scholars who support its use see it as a representative axiom of Yulgok's philosophy, while those who oppose its use argue that it is just a meaningless, rhetorical expression that has no philosophical meaning. I believe this is because the character ‘myo (the mysterious unity)' has a meaning that is difficult to analyze logically.

In fact, Yulgok's theory of mysterious unity contains paradoxical and mutually contradictory propositions. However, contrary to the view that it is not philosophically rigorous and is better left unmentioned, I propose that we can enrich the discussion of its meaning by introducing a mystical point of view. Just as Confucianism can be approached from the perspective of mysticism—especially Chinese Neo-Confucianism and Joseon Confucian scholars such as Toegye and Dasan—Yulgok philosophy also contains the core features of mysticism, namely the aspect of the ineffable and noetic quality that leads one to the pure realization of the greater dimension of the world. By adopting such a perspective, Yulgok's Confucianism can be successfully analyzed within the study of religion. 

HEF. 84(2). (2024. 10.): 37-67.

Following Benjamin's theory, Henry David Thoreau’s Walden would not be considered a ‘novel(Roman)’ but a ‘story(Erzählung)’ that perfectly delivers his life and ideals. In such Walden, Thoreau frequently mentions Confucian classics. He quotes Analects, Mencius, Great Learning, and Doctrine of the Mean; Four Books. Like this, he was influenced a lot by Confucianism. Furthermore, his life resembles Yan-Hui, one of the most representative Confucian characters. Both were lovers of learning and doers of the virtues. Plus, both lived short lives and passed away earlier than their close teachers. Accordingly, this analysis aimed to prove how Thoreau can be called a ‘Confucian’ human by comparing Thoreau’s characteristics and Yan-Hui’s. Also, this paper looks into the eulogy of Emerson and compares it to Confucius’ sadness about Yan-Hui’s death, investigating the Confucian characteristic of the Emerson-Thoreau (Teacher-Student) relationship itself.